By the dawn of 2025, the Russo-Ukrainian War had stripped away the last vestiges of 20th-century manoeuvre doctrine, mutating instead into a hyper-transparent, sensor-fused conflict that fundamentally defied conventional Western military expectations. If 2022 was defined by the catastrophic failure of the Russian Blitzkrieg and 2023 by the gruelling, static lessons of the southern counter-offensive, 2025 emerged as the definitive year of “Total Attrition.” The battlefield transitioned into a state of violent, dynamic equilibrium where the omnipresence of cheap, lethal Unmanned Aerial Systems (UAS) and 24-hour satellite surveillance rendered the massing of armoured forces nearly impossible. The traditional “breakthrough”—the holy grail of operational art—was replaced mainly by “infiltration tactics,” where territorial gains were measured in meters and treelines rather than cities or regions.
The 2025 campaign was anchored by a desperate, high-stakes Russian gambit to finalize the conquest of the Donbas, explicitly targeting the “logistical site” of Pokrovsk. This paper provides a comprehensive analytical post-mortem of the year, documenting the shift from a war of movement to a war of industrial and technological endurance. We examine the year’s core milestones, including the stabilization of the “Fortress Belt” around Kramatorsk and the expansion of the “Mirror War”—a sophisticated campaign of long-range strikes deep into Russia’s energy infrastructure.
Crucially, this paper argues that the events of 2025, particularly the protracted and bloody siege of Pokrovsk, serve as definitive evidence of the Russian Federation’s inability to secure a decisive military victory despite its transition to a full war footing. For the Ukrainian Armed Forces (ZSU), 2025 was a period of “Active Denial”—a strategic pivot designed to trade space for time while leveraging Western precision and domestic innovation. Through an examination of operational successes, such as the tactical integration of F-16 platforms and AI-driven drone swarms, and systemic failures, such as the persistent workforce mobilization crisis, this study distils the essential lessons of the third year of full-scale war. These insights are not merely historical records; they are the blueprints for Ukraine’s survival and potential offensive resurgence as it prepares for the uncertainties of 2026.
The 2025 Campaign
The 2025 theatre of operations was not a single, unified front, but rather a series of disconnected “pressure cookers.” The year began with the “Winter Slag” offensive, a period marked by the VSRF’s attempt to capitalize on the momentum from the fall of Avdiivka in late 2024. However, the Russian High Command underestimated the “terrain-to-sensor” ratio of the Vovcha River line. This waterway became a literal graveyard for the 2nd and 41st Combined Arms Armies. As Russian mechanized units attempted to push west toward Ocheretyne, they were funnelled into narrow crossing points where Ukrainian FPV teams—operating with a 4:1 drone-to-target ratio—dismantled armoured columns with surgical precision. The “Winter Slag” proved that even without 155mm shell parity, Ukraine could hold a defensive line through “distributed lethality.”
By April 2025, the central sector of the Donetsk front became the war’s undeniable “Centre of Gravity.” The Russian Central Group of Forces initiated a concentrated, multi-pronged push toward Pokrovsk. This was not the rapid manoeuvre warfare seen in 2022; it was an industrial-scale demolition. The VSRF utilized “Glide Bomb Saturation” on a scale previously unseen in modern conflict. By July, Russian Su-34s were dropping upwards of 5,300 KAB-500 and KAB-1500 bombs per month across the front.
These munitions, though often inaccurate, possessed enough kinetic energy to collapse even the most reinforced concrete bunkers in towns like Selydove. The fighting here represented the peak of the “Scorched Earth” doctrine. Ukraine’s response was the “Active Withdrawal”—a cold, calculated tactic of inflicting maximum casualties in the urban ruins before falling back to pre-prepared fortifications on the Pokrovsk outskirts. By the time Russian forces reached the eastern limits of the city in November 2025, they had effectively “won” a desert of rubble at the cost of nearly 130 casualties for every meter of advance.
While the Donbas front remained a meat-grinder, 2025 saw the full maturity of Ukraine’s “Long-Range Denial” strategy. In May 2025, the ZSU launched a systemic drone campaign against the Ryazan and Yaroslavl refineries. These were not retaliatory gestures; they were economic interdictions. Targeted strikes focused explicitly on the “fractionation towers”—the literal heart of the refinery. Because these towers are bespoke, often requiring Western components that are now under sanction, their destruction created a bottleneck that Russia could not easily bypass.
By August 2025, intelligence data indicated that Russia had lost 18% of its domestic gasoline and diesel production capacity. This forced the Kremlin into a fiscal corner: they had to choose between funding their agricultural sector (vital to the domestic economy) or funding the T-80BV tanks in the Donbas. The subsequent spike in domestic fuel prices triggered a ripple of inflation that, for the first time in the war, began to erode the “social contract” between the Kremlin and the Russian hinterland.
The southern front remained stagnant on land but reached a boiling point at sea. In late 2025, Ukraine introduced the “Sub Sea Baby”—the world’s first combat-operational underwater uncrewed vehicle (UUV). On December 15, 2025, this UUV successfully bypassed the harbour booms at Novorossiysk, striking an Improved Kilo-class submarine at its pier. This event effectively ended the Black Sea Fleet’s status as a viable strike force.
Simultaneously, the air war over Crimea reached a zenith. The deployment of ATACMS Block I missiles allowed the ZSU to keep the Kerch Bridge in a state of “permanent repair.” Every time the bridge’s rail span was patched, a new salvo of M57 missiles would strike the support stanchions. This forced Russia to rely entirely on the “land bridge” rail lines running through occupied Mariupol and Berdyansk. However, these lines were within the 80km range of Ukrainian GMLRS and HIMARS units. By the end of 2025, the Crimean Peninsula was no longer a “fortress”; it was an isolated logistical island, dependent on a vulnerable and constantly burning supply line.
Successes and Failures: A Comparative Post-Mortem
The 2025 campaign was a study in paradox. While technology reached a zenith with the integration of AI-assisted drone swarms, the human element of the war regressed to a state of primal endurance. Below, we dissect the internal mechanics of both the ZSU and the VSRF, moving beyond the “map-painting” of headlines to look at the structural health of the fighting forces.
The primary Ukrainian success of 2025 was the institutionalization of “Tactical Decentralisation.” Faced with a chronic shortage of 155mm artillery shells during the early-year “Aid Gap,” the ZSU was forced to evolve. Units like the 47th Mechanized Brigade “Magura” became the gold standard for this new doctrine. In the desperate winter fighting around Stepove and Berdychi, the 47th demonstrated that the M2A2 Bradley IFV was not just a “battle taxi” but a high-precision sniper platform.
The Bradley’s 25mm Bushmaster chain gun, when paired with the vehicle’s superior thermal optics, allowed Ukrainian crews to engage Russian infantry groups from 1.5 kilometres away—long before the Russians even realized they were in a kill zone. This “long-range suppression” effectively dismantled the Russian “meat wave” tactic in the Avdiivka-Pokrovsk sector. The ZSU proved that Western kinetic quality—specifically the survivability of the Bradley’s hull—could act as a force multiplier that offset Russia’s 5:1 numerical advantage.
However, the ZSU’s structural successes were undermined by a glaring strategic failure: the “Mobilisation Gap.” By mid-2025, the Ukrainian army was facing a rotation crisis that bordered on the catastrophic. Because of political hesitation in Kyiv throughout late 2024, the “New Mobilisation Law” did not produce combat-ready replacements in time for the summer offensives.
This resulted in what frontline medics termed “Battlefield Psychosis.” Elite brigades were kept in high-intensity contact for 18 to 24 months without a complete reset. In the Selydove sector during the autumn of 2025, this exhaustion manifested in the localized collapse of defensive lines. Units that had performed heroically for years began to suffer from “operational paralysis,” where the survival instinct superseded the command to hold. The failure to institutionalize a transparent 6-month rotation cycle meant that Ukraine’s most experienced NCOs and officers were being ground down, leaving green recruits to face the Russian industrial machine without adequate mentorship.
Russia’s 2025 “victory,” if it can be called that, was a product of Industrial Resiliency. By the start of the year, the Russian military-industrial complex had reached a stable output of roughly 120 tanks per month. While the majority of these were refurbished T-62Ms and T-55s, tanks that are effectively museum pieces in any other context, they served a brutal purpose. Russia utilizedutilised these “disposable tanks” as armoured shields, forcing Ukrainian defenders to reveal their positions by firing precious anti-tank missiles (like the Javelin or NLAW) at low-value targets.
A second, more sophisticated success was Russia’s dominance in the electromagnetic spectrum. By 2025, the Pole-21 and R-330Zh Zhitel systems were deployed with such density that “GPS-dark zones” covered nearly 40% of the frontline. This rendered high-cost Western munitions, such as the M982 Excalibur, almost entirely ineffective. Ukraine found that its “precision edge” was being blunted by a Russian “electronic shield” that was both cheap to produce and easy to replace.
Despite these industrial gains, the VSRF remained tactically “broken” at the command level. This was most evident in the Vuhledar sector in March 2025. In an attempt to achieve a breakthrough that would unbalance the Ukrainian southern flank, the Russian Eastern Military District launched a multi-brigade armoured push. The result was a haunting repetition of the 2023 disaster: over 100 vehicles were lost in a single week to a combination of remote-delivered mines and “Top-Down” drone strikes.
The VSRF senior officers proved incapable of synchronizing their armour with their own EW units. In many cases, Russian jammers intended to block Ukrainian drones ended up “blinding” their own radio communications, leading to chaotic friendly-fire incidents. This “Tactical Ceiling” suggests that while Russia can scale its production, it cannot scale its intelligence. The Russian army in 2025 remained a “blunt force instrument”—capable of levelling cities with artillery, but incapable of the nuanced manoeuvre required to win a modern war.
Western Support in 2025
By the start of 2025, the donor-recipient relationship between the West and Ukraine underwent a fundamental structural mutation. The “Sprinting Phase”—characterized by the emergency emptying of 1990s-era NATO stockpiles—had reached its natural limit. The new reality was defined by Industrial Localisation. It was no longer enough to wait for a shipping container to cross the Polish border; the weapons had to be born, maintained, and modified on Ukrainian soil. A cold realization drove this perception that had transitioned to a total war economy, and Ukraine could only survive by integrating into the European defence-industrial ecosystem.
The most tangible evidence of this shift was the emergence of “Fortress Factories.” In 2025, German titan Rheinmetall and the UK’s BAE Systems moved beyond the memorandum stage and into physical production. The “Ukrainian Competence Centre for Ammunition”—a joint venture between Rheinmetall and the Ukrainian state—represented a historic precedent. By mid-2025, this facility was not just repairing damaged Leopard 2 hulls; it was actively producing 155mm shells with a 51% German stake in the operation.
This localization has two critical functions. First, it slashed the “logistical lag”—the weeks previously lost transporting disabled Bradleys to Poland for simple turret repairs. Second, it acted as a Geopolitical Tripwire. By placing Western capital, engineers, and proprietary technology in Western Ukraine (often in underground or heavily reinforced facilities), the West signalled a long-term commitment that bypassed the “election cycle” anxieties of Washington and Brussels. The “Danish Model” of direct financing for Ukrainian-made weapons further bolstered this, allowing Kyiv to build its own Bohdana self-propelled howitzers using Western grants, effectively turning Ukraine into a “full-fledged player” rather than a passive recipient.
2025 marked the first full year of F-16 operations in the Ukrainian theatre, and its impact was felt most acutely by the Russian Aerospace Forces (VKS). Contrary to the “Silver Bullet” hype of 2024, the F-16 did not lead to Maverick-style dogfights. Instead, it functioned as a
Before 2025, Russian Su-34 bombers could loiter with impunity, releasing KAB glide bombs from altitudes and distances that were untouchable by Ukrainian MANPADS. The arrival of the F-16, armed with AIM-120 AMRAAM missiles, changed the geometry of the air war. Russian pilots, wary of the F-16’s superior radar and active-homing missiles, were forced to release their glide bombs from 15 to 20 kilometres further back from the line of contact. This “Pushback” significantly degraded the accuracy of the KAB-500s. While these bombs still fell, they no longer hit the exact centre of Ukrainian trenches with the same terrifying frequency, providing a critical “breathing room” for the infantry in the Pokrovsk and Kurakhove sectors. However, this success was tempered by the high maintenance “tail” of the F-16, which required pristine runways that remained constant targets for Russian Iskander-M strikes.
Despite the industrial integration, 2025 was not without its strategic “Black Holes.” The most significant of these was the 3-month “ATACMS Gap” during the summer. As the U.S. political landscape fractured during the 2024-2025 transition, the delivery of long-range MGM-140 Block I missiles slowed to a trickle.
This gap occurred at the worst possible moment. Ukrainian intelligence had identified a window of logistical vulnerability where Russian air defences around the Kerch Bridge were being thinned to support the Kursk front. Without a sufficient volley of ATACMS to overwhelm the remaining S-400 batteries, the ZSU was unable to achieve the “collapse strike” necessary to drop the bridge’s spans. By the time deliveries resumed in the autumn, Russia had completed a secondary railway line through occupied Mariupol, significantly reducing the strategic value of the Kerch Bridge as a “single point of failure.” This episode underscored the “Strategic Schizophrenia” of Western support: the West was willing to build factories in Ukraine, yet remained hesitant to provide the specific “knockout” weapons that could end the war’s logistical backbone.
By the end of 2025, the “Arsenal of Democracy” had become the “Partner of Ukraine.” The war was no longer a charity case; it was a co-production. While political fatigue in the U.S. created dangerous tactical lulls, the European pivot toward permanent industrial presence in Ukraine created a new baseline for the conflict. The ZSU entered 2026 not just as an army using Western tools, but as a military-industrial hybrid that was increasingly difficult for Moscow to “out-wait” or “out-produce.”
Battle of Pokrovsk in 2025
The battle for Pokrovsk stands as the definitive proof of Russia’s current military ceiling. To understand why Pokrovsk became the “culmination point” for the 2025 campaign, one must move past the propaganda of “liberated villages” and look at the cold, hard efficiency-to-loss ratios. As of December 2025, the Russian advance toward this logistical locus has devolved from a manoeuvre operation into a subterranean, block-by-block grind that exposes the VSRF’s structural inability to sustain high-intensity offensive momentum.
The “Pokrovsk Vector” began in earnest following the fall of Avdiivka in early 2024. By December 2025—roughly 600 days later—Russian forces had managed to advance approximately 28 to 31 kilometres. When one calculates the “velocity of victory,” the result is a staggering 46 meters per day. For a military that nominally claims “Superpower” status, this is not a triumph of attrition; it is a catastrophic logistical failure.
The primary reason for this stagnation was the ZSU’s mastery of the “Depth-Integrated Defence.” By utilizing the natural elevated ridgelines west of the Vovcha River, Ukrainian artillery and drone units created a 15-kilometre “Kill Zone.” Shark reconnaissance drones detected any Russian attempts to concentrate armour for a traditional breakthrough within minutes of leaving their assembly points in Ocheretyne. This forced the VSRF to abandon mechanized entirely, relying instead on “Motorcycle Surges” and foot-mobile infiltration, which, while harder to detect, lacked the kinetic power to actually seize and hold fortified urban centres like the Pokrovska Coal Mine.
According to geolocated data from OSINT trackers and ZSU intelligence, Russia suffered an estimated 112,000 casualties in the Pokrovsk-Myrnohrad sector during the 2025 calendar year alone. The town of Selydove serves as a grim case study for this “Pyrrhic Expansion.”
Throughout the summer and autumn of 2025, Russian forces spent four months attempting to encircle Selydove. Because the ZSU utilized Soviet-era high-rise apartment blocks as “Drone Perches” and observation posts, the Russian command was forced to level the urban centre with KAB-1500 and KAB-3000 glide bombs before their infantry could set foot in the streets. This “Scorched Earth” victory meant that by the time the VSRF “captured” Selydove in late 2025, it was strategically useless. The basements were flooded, the roads were impassable to logistical trucks, and the lack of vertical cover made the Russian occupiers sitting ducks for Ukrainian Mamba and Baba Yaga night-drones. Selydove did not become a staging ground for a push on Pokrovsk; it became a logistical sinkhole that swallowed entire battalions of the 2nd Combined Arms Army.
By November 2025, the fighting reached the outskirts of the Pokrovska Mine No. 1, the largest coking coal facility in Ukraine. Here, the battle transformed from urban warfare into industrial siegecraft. The mine’s Terikons (slag heaps) provided the ZSU with dominant “Fire Control” over the entire southern approach.
Russian commanders attempted to use Fibre-Optic FPV drones—which are immune to traditional Electronic Warfare jamming—to clear these heaps. However, the ZSU countered with “Kinetic Interception,” deploying small teams of “Drone Hunters” armed with semi-automatic shotguns and short-range acoustic sensors. This micro-war over the slag heaps illustrated the ultimate failure of the Russian Blitzkrieg. Despite possessing the industrial capacity to drop 500 glide bombs a week, they could not overcome a single motivated Ukrainian squad sitting on a 100-meter pile of industrial waste.
The “Mathematical Death” of the Russian offensive at Pokrovsk suggests that by late 2025, the VSRF reached its Operational Limit. While the Kremlin can still produce “meat” and “iron,” it can no longer produce velocity. For the ZSU, the defence of Pokrovsk was a victory of “Calculated Elasticity”—trading the ruins of Selydove to ensure that the Russian army entered 2026 as a physically and psychologically broken force, incapable of threatening the Dnipropetrovsk border.
Lessons Learned and the 2026 Forecast
As the smoke clears from the 2025 campaign, the conflict has moved beyond the “War of Stockpiles” into a “War of Algorithms.” The lessons of the past twelve months have not just updated the field manuals; they have rendered them obsolete.
The primary tactical lesson of 2025 is that the traditional topographical high ground—the hills and ridges—is now secondary to the Electromagnetic High Ground. By mid-2025, the frontline was saturated with Russian Pole-21 and R-330Zh Zhitel systems, creating a “GPS-dark” environment where Western precision munitions, such as the Excalibur shell, saw their CEP (Circular Error Probable) drift from 5 meters to over 50 meters.
Ukraine countered this not with more artillery, but with Frequency Agility. The ZSU’s success in late 2025 was driven by the deployment of “Hopping” FPV drones that could automatically switch communication bands mid-flight when interference was detected. The side that wins the “Frequency War” in 2026 will be the one that can maintain a stable video link through the Russian “noise.” If 20th-century warfare was about controlling the air, 21st-century warfare is about managing the spectrum.
2025 effectively signed the death warrant for the massed armored charge. With the Oryx database recording over 4,030 Russian tank losses by June 2025, the role of the Main Battle Tank (MBT) has shifted from a “Breakthrough Weapon” to a “Direct-Fire Support Sniper.”
The 2026 priority, therefore, is not “more tanks,” but Autonomous Terminal Guidance (ATG). Both sides are now racing to integrate low-cost optical chips that allow a drone to “lock on” to a tank’s silhouette from 500 meters away. Once locked, the drone requires no further pilot input, rendering traditional EW jammers useless in the “last mile” of flight. This transition toward “Fire and Forget” loitering munitions means that any vehicle not protected by a localized microwave (HPM) shield will be a statistical casualty within minutes of approaching the zero line.
As we move into 2026, the conflict is transitioning into its “Post-Industrial” phase. We are no longer looking at a war of person-hours, but a war of compute-hours.
Expect the 2026 battlefield to be dominated by Carrier UAVs (often called “Mother-Drones”). These are large, high-altitude hexacopters that carry 4 to 6 smaller FPV “suicide” drones deep behind Russian lines. By bypassing the 10km range limit of standard FPVs, these mother-drones can strike Russian logistics hubs 30-40km in the rear, effectively creating a “Kill Zone” that extends all the way to the Russian border. This will force Russia to move its supply dumps even further back, lengthening their “Logistical Tail” and further slowing their offensive tempo.
While the Kremlin’s 2025 budget showed resilience, the 21% interest rate imposed by the Central Bank of Russia (CBR) to curb wartime inflation is a ticking time bomb. By late 2026, the “Military Keynesianism” that fueled the Russian economy will likely hit a wall.
With corporate debt non-payments rising and the labour market “cannibalized” by recruitment, the Russian industrial machine will face a choice: continue funding the $140 billion-a-year war or prevent a systemic banking crisis. 2026 is the year when the “Price of the Donbas” may finally exceed the Russian state’s ability to borrow from its own future.
By autumn 2026, international pressure for a “Frozen Conflict” (the Korean Scenario) will reach a fever pitch. However, the “Pokrovsk Lesson” of 2025 has taught Kyiv that a ceasefire without an ironclad “Security Guarantee”—specifically one involving Western-backed air defences and long-term joint venture production—is merely a Russian “reloading period.” Ukraine’s 2026 strategy will not be about taking back every inch of soil, but about making the occupation so fiscally and militarily expensive that the Kremlin is forced to negotiate from a position of systemic exhaustion.
2025 was the year the “myth of the second army in the world” was buried in the mud of the Donbas. Through a combination of tactical decentralization and deterrence, and the “Deep Mirror” strike campaign, Ukraine has proven it can survive the Russian industrial hammer. The challenge of 2026 is no longer just survival; it is the transition to a high-tech “Denial State” that can permanently deter Russian revanchism through algorithmic and economic superiority.